The Historical Evolution and Political Function of the Concept of "Mandate of Heaven"
The term "Mandate of Heaven" first appears in the "Book of Documents": "The Mandate of Heaven has virtue; for five hundred years, it only changes the surname." This sentence expresses a concept that is highly characteristic of Chinese political philosophy—rulers do not inherently possess royal power but are granted it by Heaven; the mandate can be transferred, and those with virtue can take it. From the Shang Dynasty's "mandate from the supreme deity" to the Duke of Zhou's "matching virtue with Heaven," and then to the Han Dynasty's "receiving the mandate from Heaven," the Mandate of Heaven gradually became the core narrative of political legitimacy in ancient China.
Since Emperor Wu of Han, Dong Zhongshu's theory of "response between Heaven and man" further bound the "Mandate of Heaven" to morality, celestial phenomena, and the fate of dynasties, cloaking political power in a legitimacy that was both moralized and divinely ordained. The Mandate of Heaven became the core basis for judging the succession of dynasties and an important resource for usurpers and defenders of power in the struggle for historical interpretation.
This concept was reactivated during the turbulent political situation at the end of the Eastern Han. The Liu clan used "the Mandate of Heaven has not changed" as their banner, claiming that the virtue of Han still existed, while Cao Wei and various warlords had to challenge this deeply rooted political idea through new narrative forms. In this tension, "the Mandate of Heaven is with Liu" and "reversing Heaven's mandate" became the foundational components of two legitimacy narrative systems.
The Discourse Construction Mechanism of Liu Bei's Regime's "Mandate of Heaven"
Liu Bei's regime successfully garnered substantial support from the populace and scholars during the Three Kingdoms period, closely related to its high-profile discourse of "the legitimate succession of the Han dynasty." Liu Bei repeatedly emphasized his lineage as "descendant of the Prince of Jing of Zhongshan," which, although unprovable, held symbolic value far exceeding actual blood ties in the context of the prevailing concept of "Mandate of Heaven." He referred to himself as "the imperial uncle," participating in political struggles under the guise of kinship, thus cloaking his regime in a dual legitimacy of morality and divine will.
More importantly, Liu Bei's regime adeptly constructed a discourse system with the help of literati. Zhuge Liang's "Memorial on the Expedition" is a typical example: the passage "I was originally a commoner, farming in Nanyang, merely seeking to preserve my life in a chaotic world, not seeking fame or recognition among the lords" describes assisting Liu Bei in restoring the Han dynasty as a loyal endeavor "mandated by Heaven," rather than a mere political struggle. Such texts became the moral pillar within the narrative system of "the Mandate of Heaven is with Liu."
Additionally, the "Records of the Three Kingdoms" and the later "Romance of the Three Kingdoms" further reinforced Liu Bei's image as a "benevolent and virtuous ruler," packaging his political actions as examples of "receiving the Mandate of Heaven and following the royal way." This narrative style bound the Mandate of Heaven to personal morality, making Liu Bei not only politically legitimate but also morally irreplaceable.
In the logic of "the Mandate of Heaven is with Liu," political legitimacy derives not only from bloodlines but also from a governance posture of "following Heaven and responding to the people." This continued during Zhuge Liang's administration after Liu Bei's death, where the Northern Expedition was viewed as a just act to restore the Mandate of Heaven, rather than a risky campaign under resource constraints.

Cao Wei's "Reversing Heaven's Mandate" Style of Legitimacy Construction
Although Cao Cao did not declare himself emperor, he established the actual power center of the Wei state, and his son Cao Pi ultimately usurped the Han throne, initiating the Cao Wei regime. This act of "usurpation" is viewed as "reversing the mandate" from a traditional Confucian perspective, requiring a strong legitimacy narrative strategy to gain both historical and contemporary recognition.
The Cao Wei regime emphasized "the Han dynasty has declined, and the Mandate of Heaven has shifted" as its main argument, stressing the form of "abdication" in an attempt to formally continue the Confucian logic of "the divine right of kings." Cao Pi accepted the abdication from Emperor Xian of Han and widely summoned literati to congratulate him, compiling documents such as the "Book of Wei" and "Brief History of Wei" to prove that the regime change "conformed to the Mandate of Heaven and aligned with the people's will."
In terms of specific narrative strategies, Cao Wei reconstructed its legitimacy through the following three methods:
The theory of virtue surpassing the Mandate of Heaven: asserting that the governance of the Cao family surpasses that of the Han dynasty, thus the Mandate of Heaven shifts accordingly. It claims that "the Mandate of Heaven is not bestowed by Heaven but is actually initiated by man."
Legalization of abdication: emphasizing that the transition of imperial power follows established procedures, and abdication is "voluntary," not coerced by force, and is in accordance with propriety.
Historical legitimacy groundwork: using the concept of "the end of the Mandate of Heaven" to attribute the corruption and turmoil of the late Han dynasty to "decline in virtue," providing realistic justification for "reversing the mandate."
These strategies packaged a political fact as a historical inevitability, utilizing the flexible semantics of the Mandate of Heaven to achieve narrative coherence in "reversing Heaven's mandate." Under this rhetoric, the Cao Wei regime established a new power order without completely undermining traditional political beliefs.
The Institutional Takeover by the Sima Clan and the Reconstruction of the Inheritance of the Mandate of Heaven
The Sima Yi family replaced Cao Wei and ultimately established the Western Jin, serving as a typical case of the evolution of the "reversing the mandate" narrative. Sima Zhao's ambitions were "known to all," but his power takeover did not directly challenge the Mandate of Heaven logic established by Cao Wei; rather, it constructed a narrative of inheritance on top of it.
After Emperor Wu of Jin, Sima Yan, ascended the throne, he continued the abdication system, describing the transition of imperial power as "belonging to the Mandate of Heaven." At the same time, with the help of literati, he revised the versions of "Book of Jin" and "Records of the Three Kingdoms," deliberately belittling the loyal ministers of the Cao family and reinforcing the image of the Sima clan as "following Heaven's mandate."
The Western Jin regime continued some institutional designs of Cao Wei, establishing a certain balance between imperial power and the civil service system, while also advocating a rational order of "unity under the Mandate of Heaven" in terms of ritual and historical discourse. Although this institutional logic had a continuity of legitimacy, it also laid the groundwork for subsequent power struggles among the royal family and the fragmentation of aristocratic factions.
The Sima clan's discourse on the Mandate of Heaven focused more on the connection between "institution and the Mandate of Heaven," constructing a narrative structure of "reversing the mandate is justified, usurpation is in accordance with propriety" through a discourse system of "dynastic rationalization." Unlike Liu Bei's regime's narrative of "bloodline + morality," the Sima clan leaned more towards the historical legitimacy of institutional takeover.
The Split Sources of Legitimacy in Narrative: Daoist Tradition and Political Tradition
In the power transitions of the Three Kingdoms and even the Wei and Jin dynasties, the tension between "Daoist tradition" and "political tradition" has always existed. The so-called "Daoist tradition" refers to the inheritance of political ideals and cultural ethics, such as "benevolent governance," "proper distinctions," and "loyalty and filial piety"; while "political tradition" refers to the power groups that actually control the state machinery.
Liu Bei and Zhuge Liang tended to regard "Daoist tradition" as the foundation of regime legitimacy, while Cao Wei and the Sima clan focused more on the practical grasp of "political tradition," striving to transform "political tradition" into a "new Daoist tradition" through institutional and literary narratives. This is a reconstruction of discourse power.
Both models faced challenges in political practice:
When Daoist tradition is prioritized, it easily falls into empty talk, lacking institutional execution;
When political tradition dominates, it often faces moral criticism, making it difficult to maintain long-term cohesion of public support.
In this context, the "Mandate of Heaven" became the intermediary discourse connecting Daoist tradition and political tradition. It can be interpreted as a moral affirmation of "virtue matching the Mandate of Heaven," or as a realistic trend of "the victor is king." Its ambiguity allows various regimes to use this rhetorical tool to package themselves.
Therefore, the "Mandate of Heaven" is not only a concept but also a narrative strategy, a cultural theater of power legitimization. In this theater, roles such as "heroes," "usurpers," "loyalty," and "benevolence" alternate, and what ultimately remains is not the historical truth but the narrative logic of "conforming to the Mandate of Heaven."
The Narrative of the Victors in Historical Writing and the Final Attribution of the Mandate of Heaven
The final attribution of the discourse of "Mandate of Heaven" does not depend on the rise and fall of regimes themselves but on the dominance of historical writing in later generations. Just as the "Records of the Three Kingdoms" arranged "Cao Wei as the legitimate dynasty," the "Book of Jin" continued this linear order, placing Liu Bei's regime as a "nation of partial security," while Eastern Wu was depicted as "a usurper's territory."
This "narrative of the victors" reinforced the logic that the Mandate of Heaven "can be transferred," while weakening the political original sin of "reversing the mandate." More importantly, it rationalized regime change as a mechanism of historical evolution, endowing "usurpers" with a sense of historical justice.
However, in popular culture, such as the "Romance of the Three Kingdoms," storytelling dramas, and local beliefs, figures like Liu Bei and Zhuge Liang still exist as embodiments of "morality." This cultural resonance indicates that while the political discourse of the "Mandate of Heaven" has been subsumed by institutions, its moral echoes still resonate in the imagination of the people.
Thus, the "Mandate of Heaven," as a narrative tool, does not have a fixed attribution but continuously drifts and reconstructs among history, institutions, and culture. It is both the cloak of power legitimacy and the light in cultural memory.